Obama’s Online Tactics We Can Believe In

Tim Hawthorne's picture

I’m hardly the first to suggest that Barack Obama personifies a sea change in American politics, but I’m in a much smaller crowd suggesting that “the nation’s first” internet candidate’s marketing strategy isn’t quite as unique as we think.

For one thing, Howard Dean tried out similar tactics four years ago, albeit with less inspiring results. But while Obama hardly invented new media, social networking or internet video, his campaign team used all of them with unparalleled mastery. Even the much-lauded “informercial” seen by over 33 million viewers on a single night in late October is derivative of Ross Perot’s 1992 program. But Obama’s show was not only more effective, it revealed his team’s deep understanding and appreciation of direct response advertising.
 OPENING THE DRTV PLAYBOOK
Obama infused his entire campaign—not only his online videos and TV spots—with principles proven to drive viewers to action. Almost every successful DRTV ad embraces a formula that employs a number of key elements that Team Obama used well:

• Illustrate a vexing problem, then provide the solution. While John McCain was an imperfect politician, he hardly suffered the widespread disapproval that would define him as a “problem.” The same could not be said for George W. Bush, whose rock-bottom approval ratings doomed him to just that perception. The Obama camp’s solution was simple: equate McCain with The Problem. And this Obama did in every campaign stop, video, speech, and advertisement. According to Obama, voters had only two realistic options to solve its problems—him or “more Bush.”

• Focus on benefits. This one was easy, since in some cases, the benefits actually were benefits—Social Security, Medicaid, unemployment, etc. Plus Obama promised to expand the range of what voters would get: tax cuts for most, sponsored health insurance for those who don’t have it, and respect from foreign countries that prefer America less domineering.

• Repeat a Unique Selling Proposition. All products differentiate themselves, ideally encapsulated in a memorably simple phrase. Obama differentiated himself not only from McCain, but from all politicians. Of course, candidates promise change each election—Bush, you’ll recall, pledged to be a “reformer with results.” “Change we can believe in” worked only because the clause tackles our history of political betrayals. “Yes we can” worked for the same reason: people were tired of concluding that “no, we can’t.”
 

• Refute anticipated objections. From his very first primary debate, Obama’s biggest threat was concern about his minimal political experience. But in a climate where much of the country believes politicians to be self-interested liars and fools, he morphed that seeming weakness into strength. Sure, I’m new to the stage, he admitted, but what “experience” gets you is lost jobs, higher prices, and war.

• Demonstrate the product in action. This was challenging, since Obama couldn’t prove what he’d do before being elected and he had meager experience on the national stage. But during every interview, both debates, and in his meetings with world leaders, he acted presidential—informed, measured, and seemingly in control of the situations he faced. (McCain’s impulsivity in response to the economic/bailout crisis elevated a much cooler Obama by contrast.)

• Show a “magical transformation.” Here, the cameras were key. Much of this had less to do with political differences than Creative 101, but Team Obama did it well. The candidates’ appearances made for an easy visual shorthand. Bush to McCain (tired, aging, and typical) was no transformation at all. Bush to Obama (young, athletic, and ethnic) was change at the most obvious level, even if these impressions shouldn’t matter in America. But Obama turned this into an advantage as well. The transformation was not only in The White House, but in what average citizens could believe possible. Even the staunchest conservatives were warmed by the “magic” to which black Americans responded on election night.

• Use testimonials to create an emotional bond. Casual observers didn’t have to wait to witness the sobbing Grant Park crowd on election night to see how Obama played straight to the heart. This was on ready display every step of the way. Citizens gave impassioned testimonials in commercials. Stand-ins spoke with conviction on newscasts. At every speech he delivered, cameras captured hope and belief on the audience’s faces. Ever cry at a movie? Whatever your political stripe, it’s hard to remain unaffected watching people affected so much.
 

• Repeat calls to action. This is the element that defines direct response. Ordinarily the call is to “call now” and buy. In the Obama campaign, calls to action varied: visit the website, donate money, volunteer … and vote! Every call worked. Nearly five million uniques visited BarackObama.com just during the campaign’s final week. Three million donated money. Roughly two million volunteered. And nearly 67 million voted for him. Clearly, the agency of Plouffe and Axelrod performed to the client’s satisfaction.

SO WHAT’S THIS CHANGE WE CAN BELIEVE IN?
Politics aside, it’s the very same one that direct response agencies now embrace: the universe of Web 2.0. Yes, I admit it—the new media did matter. A lot. Obama had extremely popular MySpace and Facebook profiles that allowed his supporters to interact. According to Reuters, his campaign uploaded roughly 1,800 videos to YouTube, and his first post-election speech (the weekly Democratic radio address) was also videotaped and uploaded—a practice he vows to continue. His use of email and text messaging made his supporters who opted-in feel informed, appreciated, and included. He announced his choice of Biden as VP through a text message, and on election night, thanked his supporters via email before giving his acceptance speech.

The marriage of politics and the internet is permanent. Within a week of Obama’s victory, the Republicans had launched www.rebuildtheparty.com to try to mimic the tactics that worked well against them. And Obama himself intends to continue leveraging the web to encourage citizen participation in government. Already he has suggested that he will allow for a five-day commentary period before signing non-emergency legislation.

But in an irony only our government could enable, Obama may personally have to abandon these tools. Since presidential communications are public record, he may have to agree with George W. Bush on at least one decision: stop using email. Only in America could putting a laptop on your work desk become controversial. If Obama does so—as he intends—he’ll be the first president that did.

One last point. For all of our industry’s campaign expertise—whether implemented by ad agencies or political strategists—no product succeeds that isn’t a good product (yes, even George W. Bush has his virtues). While making better commercials and conducting superior campaigns gives products and people a better chance to succeed, ultimately, the product or person is king.
 

Published on Adotas.com, December 8, 2008


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